The Social Functions of Verbal Arts in the Yorùbá Indigenous Healthcare Practices

Oládélé Caleb Orímóògùnjé

University of Lagos, Nigeria

1.0           Introduction

The paper focuses on the Yorùbá verbal arts used in indigenous healthcare system.  By verbal arts, we mean the various literary genres used in reflecting and expressing the belief, religion, worldview and values of the society.  Specifically, the verbal arts under study are the genres used among the Yorùbá people to manage their physical, mental and social well-being in pre and post colonial era.  Before we go further in this paper, it is also important to give a brief definition of the term 'function'.  The word 'function' conveys to our mind a 'special activity or purpose of a person or a phenomenon'.  Macdonald (1980:526) refers to 'function' as the doing of a thing. activity appropriate to any person or thing, duty peculiar to any office.  In this study, we regard function as a service rendered by a certain thing.  Therefore, we shall attempt to discuss the functions of the verbal arts used in the Yorùbá indigenous healthcare delivery system.  The Yorùbá verbal arts used in indigenous healthcare practices, as we observe, have various functions among the users.  These functions are discussed at three different levels - communicative, aesthetic and ritual functions.  By nature, some of these functions of the said verbal arts are therapeutic, because of their psychological relevancies.  Therefore, their efficacious nature is discussed in this paper, so as to exhibit the power of the verbal arts among the Yorùbá.

2.0           Communicative Functions of the Yorùbá health-related Genres

The Yorùbá verbal arts in indigenous healthcare practices have strong informative functions that urge mankind to be aware of the appropriate step to be taken towards ensuring cure within the indigenous healthcare delivery system.  The most important thing in this section is to know the means of communication, that is, how communication is achieved.  The users of the health-related verbal arts express their views to humanity, just as it is highlighted in Àlàbá (1985:52) that the users of verbal arts do

..express the ideas, values and feelings generated in

them as they experience their society at various times

within the dramatic ambience created by the lively

exchanges and also the continuous creative process

determined by the current mood.

The users of the verbal arts in healthcare practices do express their feelings without being afraid of any consequence that might follow if the utterances provoke the recipient.  This type of expression is common among the itinerant performance groups such as musicians and masquerades.  In one of the records waxed by Fàtáì Olówónyọ̀, he expresses his wish to all his opponents thus:

..Ẹní porí Àkàndé níbi,

Á worí alákàn dọ́run,

Àfi tó bá rí i ni yó dẹ̀yìn,

Ìka kan ṣoṣo kò móókan nílẹ̀ rí o,

Lágbára lọ́wọ́ àwọn àgbà.

..Whoever thinks evil of Àkàndé,

Will search for the crab's head in heaven,

Will not come back until it is found.

A finder has never been able to pick a thing.

By the special power of the elders...

The artiste airs his view on what should happen to his adversaries without being afraid that he might be accused of murder or evil intention.  Also in the natal songs, the users do express their views without fear:

Kí n má ṣe rófò alẹ́, àmín o,

Kemi má ṣe rófò alẹ́ o,

Korogún mi má wolé dè mí,

Kemi má ṣe rófò alẹ́ o.

May I not suffer loss when I am aged, amen

May I not suffer loss when I am aged,

May my co-wife not outlive me,

May I not suffer loss when I am aged.

The raconteur does not care whether her co-wife is alive and in good condition or not, her aim is to live longer than her co-wife.  She is not afraid to speak out her wish, which she knows is not welcome by the other party.  In each context of verbal arts in health-related issues, there are an addresser (encoder), a message (code) and an addressee (decoder).  The addresser conveys message(s) to the addressee.

Addresser   Message    Addressee

The addressee depends on the type of verbal art being discussed.  The addressers in orin-ìbọ (Liturgical songs), ìbà (homage).  Ọfọ̀ (incantations), àyájọ́ (myth-like incantations), ìwúre (supplicatory blessings), èpè (curse), ẹ̀bẹ̀ (propitiation) and orin-ìbejì (twin babies' songs) are usually elderly persons or those who are spiritually inclined while the addresses are the supernatural agents who are in the position to make the wishes of the addresser(s) realistic.  The message(s) of any context is/are the wishes of the addresser(s) which depends on what each addresser wants to acquire from the supernatural agent, though it is obvious that the message from the addresser(s) is to boost the health of the target, regardless of how he or she gets the request. This is explained below in our graphic illustration.

Other verbal arts such as oríkì (verbal Salutes), orin-ìrẹmọlẹ́kún (lullabies), orin-eréṣùpá/orin àlọ́-onítàn(moonlight songs) and orin-ìpàdé ọlọ́mọwẹ́wẹ́ (natal songs) used in the indigenous healthcare delivery system are a bit more secular than the ones earlier mentioned above.  The addresser could be an elderly person (in the case of oríkì) or not (for other verbal arts in this category).  The addressee is usually physical and direct, that is, the addressee may have a direct contact with the addresser.  It is depicted in our following graphic illustration that the message is secular and the focus of the message depends on the wishes of the addresser just as discussed in the above illustration.

Through the Yorùbá verbal arts (in indigenous health management), the users are well informed of the beliefs, convictions, fears of the unknown and the aspiration of the Yorùbá traditional setting.  The orin-ìbọ (liturgical songs) extracted from orin-àgbọn during Ọ̀ṣàrà festival at Ilé-Ifẹ̀ discusses the belief of the Yorùbá on how their society views the possession of children.

B'óníwá máa wí

Áá ní ọmọ l'afẹ́ ayé

B'ẹ́lẹ̀yìn máa sọ̀rọ̀

Áá l'ọ́mọ ṣọ́ mi ò

Ọmọ mi láá gbé mi sin

L'ọ́jọ́ mo bá d'arúgbó

Ọmọ láá daṣọ bò mi o

L'ọ́jọ́ ogbó mi o.

The elders usually say

Children are good to be proud of

The younger ones also usually say that,

They should be endowed with caring children

My children will bury me

Whenever I join the ancestors

My children will cover me with cloth

When I pass on.

This type of songs makesk the bareen, expectant, and the nursing mothers participating in the Ọ̀ṣàrà festival cheerful and optimistic.  The addresser here is the woman aspiring to have children or seeking divine guidance over her children, while the addressee is Ọ̀ṣàrà, the divinity that is primarily concerned with the health of the children.  The message conveyed could be in two ways.  The message goes to the divinity that is to grant the request of the addresser.  Also, the message goes to the whole society of the user, to show how important children are in the Yoruba society.

The Yorùbá society is acquainted with the powers of the unknown through their health-related verbal arts.  Death, disease, and witches are the most dreadful unknown malevolent spirits that usually feature in the Yorùbá health-related verbal arts.  The verbal arts do prevent the problems that could be caused by the unknown spirits and thereafter convey the message on how the solution(s) could be proffered to mankind.  The following illustration is a good example of such genres:

            Ọ̀sáyòó awo ayé

Ọ̀sáyòó awo ilẹ̀

Ó dífá fún Baraapetu, baba n t'Ìkọ̀lé ọ̀run bọ̀ wá

 s'Íkọ̀lé ayé. Ó pàdé àwọn àgbààgbà Olúfẹ̀ lọ́nà.

 Wọ́n níbo ló n lọ. Baba ní òun n lọ s'Íkọ̀lé ayé.  Wọ́n

 l'áwọn ajogun n bẹ níbẹ̀, ọmọ ẹni ni wọ́n n pa kiri.

  Ó ní bíi tòun kọ́, pé:

           Táa bá jẹ̀kọ,

Àá dáríjewé

Ó ní:

Táa bá jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ tán,

Àá dáríji eèpo

Njẹ́ mo deèpo lónìí,

Ẹ yáa dáríjì mí o

Jẹgẹdẹ jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀

           Jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ ayé n túnbọ̀ọ́ jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀

Oṣó ilé, ẹ dáríjì mí

Jẹgẹdẹ jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀

Jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀ ayé n túnbọ̀ọ́ jẹ̀gẹ̀dẹ̀

Ọ̀sáyòó, the earthly diviner

Ọ̀sáyòó, the underneath diviner.

Ifa divination was performed for Baraapetu, while the

 old man was coming from heavenly Ìkọ̀lé to Ìkọ̀lé on

 earth.  He met the elderly men of Olúfẹ̀ on his way. 

They asked where he was going.  The old man said he

 was going to earthly Ikole.  They informed him of the

malevolent spirits, who were killing peoples' offsprings on

 earth, just for no reason.  He said it could not happen

to him, because:

          When a gruesome pudding is eaten

          The leaf is left untouched

          When a banana is eaten

          The bark is left untouched

          I am now the bark

          You have to pardon me

          Keep eating banana

          The banana consumers on earth keep eating banana

          The household wizards, forgive me

          Keep eating banana

          The banana consumers on earth keep eating banana.

The above excerpt present Baraapetu (Ọ̀rúnmìlà) as the protagonist who is informed of the malevolent spirits that are unkind to mankind.  Baraapetu in this context symbolically represents the entire members of the society who are always informed of the evildoers who usually appear as stumbling blocks to the health of the society.  The pristine Baraapetu profeers metaphysical solution through which the powers of those malevolent spirits could be curbed.  The contemporary Baraapetu, we mean the living Ifá Priests, herbalists and other indigenous healers, can therefore use the the power to profer solution to the problems of their clients.

Through the verbal arts in indigenous healthcare practices, the aspirations of the Yorùbá society are given priority.  Besides good health, the Yorùbá aspire to be blessed with children that will acquire qualitative and quantitative Western education.  The Yorùbá make their intention/desire known through some of their verbal arts.  The following excerpt taken from natal songs gives us a clue:

Yunifásítì dára

Níbi t'áwọn Ọ̀jọ̀gbọ́n wà

Ibẹ̀ lọmọ mi yóò lọ

Orí gbọ́mọ mi débẹ̀ o

University is good

Where the Professors are

My children will be trained there

May my destiny confirm my desire.

Here, the nursing mother who is the encoder/addresser is appealing to her destiny to make her dream become a reality.  In this context, the destiny of the encoder is the decoder/addressee.  This aspiration of the above chanter will make some mothers who may be present and ignorant, to be aware of the value of Western education.  The song plays a dual role aiding healing (through the psychological effect it gives to them) and creating awareness of the important issues in their immediate environment. In the communicative function, it has been deduced that the users of the Yorùbá verbal arts which feature in healthcare vocations speak about themselves, the supernatural agents, request for what they desire from both celestial and terrestrial realms, advise and cheer their immediate audience and as well give information on the Yorùbá society.⁴ 

3.0           Aesthetic Functions of Yorùbá Health-related Genres

In Beckson and Ganz (1961), aesthetics is described as 'the study of the beautiful'.  There is much literary dexterity in the Yorùbá verbal arts used in indigenous healthcare delivery system.  In this paper, the aesthetic function of the verbal arts under study is discussed on three distinct levels - musical, recitative and dance.

The examples of Yorùbá verbal arts in healthcare practices that have musical aesthetic function include the orin-ìbọ (liturgical songs) such as orin-àgbọn, orin-Ọ̀sanyìn, orin-Ọ̀ṣun, orin-Ọbàtálá and a host of others; orin-ìpàdé-ọlọ́mọwẹ́wẹ́ (natal songs); and orin-ìrẹmọlẹ́kún (lullabies).  The tempo of the liturgical songs is faster than that of others such as lullabies and natal songs.  We observed that this might be due to the way the raconteurs are possessed with the spirits of the divinities/ancestors to which their religions are affiliated.  Through the music, members of the audience are reminded of their culture; morals are inculcated into them; they are being inspired to uphold their cultural heritage; and are as well entertained.  This entertaining function gives them a great relief on their physical and psychological ailments.

The recitative aesthetic function of the Yorùbá verbal arts in indigenous healthcare practices is usually exhibited in ìbà (homage), oríkì (verbal salutes, ẹsẹ-Ifá (Ifá (verses), ọfọ̀ (incantations), ẹ̀bẹ̀ verbal (propitiation), èpè (curses) and ìwúre (supplicatoryblessings).  The efficacy of this recitative mood carries the users away through its soothing power.  Most of the orin-ìrẹmọlẹ́kún (lullabies) and oríkì (verbal salutes) also possess this quality.  The verbal arts in this class work on the psyche of their targets and thereby heal them of their psychological and emotional illness.

An intent look at the dance aesthetic function of the Yorùbá verbal arts in the indigenous healthcare delivery system shows that their dance nature makes each of them interesting.  They also have the efficacious power that boosts the health of the users.  It is noteworthy that not all the Yorùbá verbal arts under study could be danced to, but only those that are musical.  The ones that are not musical (unless when employed in a given composition) are ọfọ̀ (incantations), ẹsẹ-Ifá (Ifá verse), àyájọ́ (myth-like incantations), oríkì (verbal salutes), ìwúre (supplicatory blessings), ìbà (homage), ẹ̀bẹ̀ (verbal propitiation) and èpè (curse).  All the orin (songs) performed in a musical setting have the dance aesthetic function.  The Yorùbá believe that dance is naturally medicinal, that is, it makes the participants (dancers) keep fit.  This fact is borne out in orin-Ọ̀sanyìn thus:

Ará yá

Ara yà

Ará yá'jọ́ Àgbé⁵  o

Ará yá

Ara yà

Ará yá'jọ́ Ọ̀sanyìn

One is healthy

Extremely healthy

One is healthy during Àgbé festival

One is healthy

Extremely healthy

One is healthy during Ọ̀sanyìn festival.

Most of the liturgical songs require more rigorous dance steps than the other songs, because the tempo is faster.  For instance, Ṣàngó dance demands more energy and rigour, else the dancer's performance would not appeal to the audience if the expected rigour and agility are not displayed.  It is that vigour and tempo that make it appealing to those who love it among the Yoruba.  This point corroborates the proverbial saying; 'Onísàngó tó jó tí kò tàpá, àbùkù ara rẹ̀ ni' meaning 'The Sàngó devotee that dances without using his/her legs vigorously should be ashamed of him or herself.

4.0           Ritual Functions

The study has shown that some of the Yorùbá verbal arts in indigenous healthcare delivery system are ritualistic in nature.  This ritualistic efficacy in the verbal arts under study is in connection with the Yorùbá belief in supernatural powers.  The verbal arts involved in those ritual functions are ìbà (homage), ẹ̀bẹ̀ (verbal propitiation), èpè (curse), ìwúre (suplicatory blessings), orin-ìbọ (liturgical songs), orin-ìbejì (twins' songs), ọfọ̀ (incantations) and àyájọ́ (myth-like incantations).  The accompanying prreparatiion and the materials involved in the course of performing these genres make them ritualistic in most cases.  The ritual functions can be discussed in two different areas, and these are benediction and thaumaturgy.  Though, the ritualistic feature does not show in the content of some of the excerpts used in healthcare practices, but it is demonstrated in their performances/rendition.  The work of Biebuyck and Mateena (1971:14) supports this claim thus.

          ..What is present here as a piece of oral literature

          is much more than that.  It is music, rhythm song,

          dance, movement, dramatic entertainment.  It is

          feasting and gift-giving (those who present the gifts

          dance and gesticulate).  It is group solidarity and

          mass participation.  For the bard himself, the act of

          narrating the story has religious significance.

4.1    Benediction

The Yorùbá enjoy and cherish benediction a great deal.  Benediction in healthcare services features in forms of eulogy, prayer and gratitude.  The Yorùbá believe that, with benediction, whatever one sets out for would be fruitful.  This is pointed out in Ọlábímtán's work, as quoted in Àlàbá (1985:88).

          In all activities-embarked upon by our forefathers,

          Ìwúre (benediction) was very important; and they

          were usually confident that all they uttered (in

          ìwúre) would definitely come to pass.

Hence the common saying among the Yorùbá is 'ẹnu aráyé lẹbọ' meaning that man's utterance is mysterious and powerful.  This is a way of exhibiting the efficacy of words among the Yorùbá.  This belief also makes the users of natal songs employ benediction in their songs.

(i)         Àdúrà tí mo n gbà lọ́dẹ̀dẹ̀ ọkọ

Ọba jẹ́ kó ṣeé ṣe o.

Àdúrà tí mo n gbà lọ́dẹ̀dẹ̀ ọkọ

Ọba jẹ́ kó ṣeé ṣe o

Tíṣu ọmọ bá jinná

Bá jinná!

Kó má lé mi jáde o.

Táya ọmọ bá wọlé

Bá wọlé!

Kó má lé mi jáde

Àdúrà tí mo n gbà lọ́dẹ̀dẹ̀ ọkọ.

My prayer in the house of my husband

Almighty God, let it be so

My prayer in the house of my husband

Almighty God, let it be so

When my children are successful!

Successful!

May I not be kicked out

When my sons get married

Get married!

May their wives not kick me out

Is my prayer in the house of my husband.

(ii)        Aboyún ayé tótó.

Wẹ́rẹ́ la ó ma bí.

Aboyún ayé tótó,

Wẹ́rẹ́ la ó ma bí.

Èṣù ò mà ní rán'mọ wá pè wá.

Aboyún ayé tótó,

Wẹ́rẹ́ la ó ma bí.

The expectant mothers of the world,

We shall have our babies peacefully

The expectant mothers of the world,

We shall have our babies peacefully.

The devil will have no power to use

our children to kill us.

The expectant mothers of the world,

We shall have our babies peacefully.

The nursing and the expectant mothers in the Yorùbá society believe that through benediction, they are secured, their children would be healthy and they would also have their babies safely without any complication.  They also believe that if they have a fervent prayer, there would be no marital problem and their male children would take adequate care of them when they are old.  Having influenced by the socio-cultural background, through which they are brought up, they are able to heal up their emotional social problems.  In the venue of the performance, these songs are rendered with full concentration as if they see the God they commune with.  They demonstrate a lot while rendering the songs and each demonstration tallies with what they utter in their songs.

4.2           Thaumaturgical Words

Thaumaturgical words are the words used to work miracles.  In other words, they consist of the doctrine of the miraculous origination of life and the description of natural wonders.  The users of verbal arts in the Yorùbá indigenous healthcare delivery system highly recognize the power of words.  This is also observed in Jahn (1952:133).

If there were no words, all forces would be frozen,

there would be no procreation, no change, no life.

For the word holds the course of things in train and

changes and transforms them.  And since the word

has this power, every word is an effective word, every

word is binding.

The above scholar whose observation collaborates the biblical dimension in the gospel according to Saint John 1:1, is drawing our attention to the efficacy of spoken words, and with this type of observation, we can imagine how such efficacy, in accordance to the Yorùbá belief, has contributed immensely to their indigenous healthcare practices.  The efficacy of words is also demonstrated in some of the Yorùbá health-related verbal arts.  All the excerpts in àyájọ́ (myth-like incantations), ọfọ̀ (incantations), ẹ̀bẹ̀ (verbal propitiation), èpè (curse), ẹsẹ-Ifá (Ifá verses), ìwúre (supplicatory blessings) and ìbà (homage)are typical examples of thaumaturgical words.  The Yorùbá belief in the mystical power of words has since been observed in the opinion of Mbiti (1969:7).

          The words of the medicine-man work through the

          medicine he gives and it is this, perhaps more than

          the actual herb which is thought to cause the cure

          or prevent misfortunes.

The Yorùbá believe that spoken words are sine qua non to whatever they embark on including preparation of medicine for healing and other things.  Their saying that reveals this goes thus: ẹjọ́ làá bóògùn rò meaning that, it is the spoken words that activate medicine.  The excerpt below extracted from ọfọ̀ (incantations) used for delivery by the indigenous midwives among the Yorùbá is a matching example of such genres that depicts the efficacy of spoken words:

Ojúmọ́ mọ́

Awo Alárá

Ẹ̀dà gìrìgìrì

Awo Òkè-Ìjerò

A díá fọ́mọ tuntun tó n t'Ìkọ̀lé ọ̀run bọ̀ wáyé

Ibi má ṣíwájú ọmọ

Ọmọ ni kó ṣíwájú ibi

Ẹkùn n bọ̀ o

Ajá kì í fojú k'ẹkùn

Ìwọ ọmọ yìí

Ajá ti wọlé

Ẹkùn n bọ̀

B'ẹ́kùn bá ti kàn ẹ́ lára, ìta

It is dawn

Ifá Priest of Alárá

A great pouring

Ifá Priest of Òkè-Ìjerò

Ifá divination was performed for a new baby while

            Coming from the heavenly Ìkọ̀lé

The placenta, do not come before the baby

The baby should come before the placenta

The leopard is coming!

The dog does not stand before leopard

You dog does not stand before leopard

You this baby!

The dog has entered

The leopard is coming

As soon as the leopard gets to you, out!

The content of the excerpt above is in line with the reality and the belief of the Yoruba that ajá (dog) and ẹkùn (leopard) can never stay in harmony.  Hence the aphorism:

Ajá tó wọlé ẹkùn,

Yóò fẹ̀jẹ̀ bora.

A dog that enters the abode of leopard,

Will get its body smeared with blood.

In this context, the baby in the womb is the 'dog', while the effect of the spoken words is the 'leopard' that will henceforth make the womb uncomfortable for the 'dog'.  Therefore, the 'dog', which is the baby, is now being threatened to come out of the womb in order to avoid the wrath of the 'leopard'.  The Yorùbá believe that the transfer of the features of dog and leopard to the baby (in the womb) and the incantation respectively, will make their targets behave accordingly, that is, the incantation will force the baby out of the womb, while the 'dog' (baby) will come out for being afraid of the attack of the 'leopard'.  The excerpt shown above contains words that can make the desire of the raconteur happen immediately, in accordance with the Yorùbá belief.  They hold the view that, anything pertaining to one's health should be given an urgent attention, the instrument used should have the capacity to react instantly, and their cultural tenet shows that they found this in the afore-mentioned verbal arts.

5.0.         Conclusion

From the fore-going, it can be seen from the above that, at the level of the social functions, members of the Yorùbá society are the users of the verbal arts under study.  They include the knowledgeable elders, both male and female in their capacity as fathers, mothers, heads of the families, heads of the communities, priests, artistes, etc.  The health-related genres are in the society to address situations when someone, a member of the society is sick, when performing general greetings at meetings, during other ritual performances in the community, and when the mothers are caring for the babies in case of lullabies.  It shows how some of the verbal arts are relevant to both orthodox and indigenous healthcare delivery system.  In African Literature and art, the aesthetic function and other utilitarian functions are inseparable.  The issue of art for art's sake as in Western formalist and new criticisms, structuralism, etc. is not applicable.  Therefore, it could be assumed by the Africans that the Western healthcare delivery system is regarded as complementary to the indigenous system of healing.

Endnotes

1.       The message depends on the wish of the chanter.

2.       It is a tradition among the Yoruba that each child should buy cloth to cover the corpse of his or her parents.  This is how to give a befitting burial to a departed soul.

3.       Jẹgẹdẹ has no specific meaning, it is a pun.

4.       The work of Ògúndèjì (1997) on the communicative and semiotic contexts of àrokò among the Yorùbá also corroborates this idea regarding the communicative function of the Yorùbá verbal arts.  Also see the work of Jacobson (1966) on poetic functions.

5.       Àgbé is another name of Ọ̀sanyìn, the divinity of medicine as it is shown in Babalọlá and Àlàbá (2003:85).